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But answering these questions involves confronting reality, which is usually an awkward moment for a political elite. Especially as since the 1970s much of the British approach has been based on avoiding the truth about the European project. True, there were a relatively small number of genuine British federalists who drove forward their cause, including  Edward Heath, Michael Heseltine, Tony Blair and the British Foreign Office — a band of brothers memorably described in Hugo Young's This Blessed Plot. Those officials, hailed as heroes by Young, saw Britain's destiny as being to join in fully and end centuries of post-Reformation English, and then British, distinctiveness. The voters, they knew, would not approve, so the goal would have to be approached by stealth. Brilliantly, if wrong-headedly, they directed policy so that Britain would be taken as deeply as possible into Europe and its institutions. 

Beyond that highly motivated group, the wider British establishment view was that it was best not to cause a fuss by being overly obstructive or confrontational. Yes, the original integrationists had some wild ideas about abolishing the nation state; but this was mainly flowery European rhetoric, wasn't it? Surely the real purpose of Europe was trade and, of course, making it easier to go on holiday in Tuscany or Provence. By a process of diplomacy, which rests on compromise, excessive awkwardness could be avoided and difficulties smoothed over. Many times a British public that had always been sceptical of "Brussels" was assured by the Foreign Office and its allies in the media that "we" (i.e. they) were "winning the argument in Europe", which was meant to suggest that other countries were coming round to our point of view on particular negotiating points. This was delusional. We weren't winning the big argument on Europe; usually we were avoiding it. 

In this way, the official response to the European problem, ever since Harold Macmillan first applied for EEC membership in 1961, has been very British. David Cameron, a pragmatist who simply wanted his party to stop arguing about Europe for long enough to get him into Downing Street, is squarely in this tradition.

Having got into power, thanks to a coalition with the federalist Liberal Democrats, Cameron was confronted with the Eurocrisis. The Prime Minister would really rather not be dealing with this. He has an increasingly agitated group of backbenchers — including many of his party's brightest young talents — agitating either for a renegotiation or for a referendum on withdrawal. And it is his historical misfortune to have Nick Clegg as a deputy, a Lib Dem who is a former Brussels bureaucrat and such a Eurofanatic that he makes Tony Blair look like Daniel Hannan.

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Alfred
November 27th, 2012
1:11 AM
What needs to be explained is that Britain's history is different and therefore our emotional responses differ to most of Europe.Ever since Edward the Confessor , England has had a legal system which originates from the people. Britain has had over a period of nearly a thousand years increased the freedoms and economic prosperity of the mass of the people more than practically any other countries in Europe , apart from N .Italy in the 14-15C and Holland of mid 17C. In addition,England has not beeen invaded for nearly a 1000 years. Consequently,Britain has offered more opportunities for advancementfor the lower and middle classes than most of Europe. The Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions were made by the lower and middle classes, not the aristocrats.In addition, there has been more equality before the law than in most European countries. The situation where the greater the elevation in rank ,the greater the legal dispensations the aristocrats received was common Europe but largely absent in Britain. From the end of the 13c, power of the English King was limited by Parliament and therefore prevented the development of the concept of The Divine Right of Kings which was an aspect of the French and other monarchies. Britain also enjored a high level of literacy and free press for the last 300 hundred years. From the end of the 13C, much of the military power rested with the yeoman farmer and lower ranks( Franklins, Freemen),not the aristocrat.It was the yeoman farmer and lower ranks who were archers. Medieval Europe largely comprised a military aristocracy employing mercenaries ( Swiss or Genovese): the peasants were unarmed. In medieval Britain, fertile soil enabled people to be better fed than in most of Europe. The various classes of serf, freeman , Franklins( less than 40 acres), yeoman (40-120 acres) and the fact that people were paid in coins, meant that a family could move from serf to yeoman over 3 generations: a degree of social mobility which was far less common in Europe. A kight owned more than 100 acres, so some yoemans were wealthier. Anyone who lived in London for more than a year and a day became a freeman. Therefore London became a magnet for the ambitious and in addition was run according to Saxon,rather than Norman customs. The setting up of Parliament at the end of the 13C allowed a voice for knights and burghers, classes which were largely ignored by the monarchs of Europe. The setting up of Trinity House, under HVIII to train pilots provided a career path for the able working and middle classes which meant that a technically superior meritocracy defeated a technically inferior aristocracy durng the Spanish Armada. The Merchant and Royal Navies became career paths for the lower and middle classes, not available in most of Europe. The setting up of many of the public and grammar schools from the 16c onwards provided access to education to the middle classes which was only provided if one joined a monastery, seminary or was a son of an aristocrat who was privately tutored; in most of Europe. In summary, the last 1000yrs, the British have enjoyed greater freedom of expression and action; greater social mobility,more more fair and just rule of law,less fear of invasion, more meat and protein for the mass of the population ( lack of protein for much of the European peasantry resulted in stunted growth and reduced strength)prodcuing a more emtionally mature and responsible populace which required a greater degree of competence and accountability from the ruling class. I would suggest ther was greater degree of national solidarity between the lowest and most high born in Britain than in most European countries over most of the last 1000 years. So let as accept Britain has evolved differently over the last 1000 years because of events and therefore our perception of the World and our temperaments may differ. After all are we not meant to celebrate diversity and maintain different eco systems? Britain should not expect to impose our views on others but als not accept having others impose their views on her.

Stuart Bramwell
September 24th, 2012
3:09 PM
How can a magazine that, rightly, attacks moral relativism then go on to promote such rubbish as the sentence below whilst keeping a straight face: "[...] the European legacy [...] includes the Spanish Inquisition, Communism, Fascism and Nazism. To this formidable list of fanaticism and failure must surely now be added the euro — a lunatic project to impose the political integration of modern Europe through the creation of a single currency." This is not the first instance of intellectual rot. There have been facile attacks on evidence-based thinking about human nature (unless it doesn't contradict Judeo-Christian dogma), and lame justifications for those who wish to deny homosexuals the right to marry. And now comparisons between the, undoubtedly flawed, euro project and the worst events in human history. My support for this magazine in the past has clearly been unwarranted.

celtthedog
September 1st, 2012
8:09 PM
Good article. Only one quibble: I don't believe Tony Blair was a eurofederalist. A eurofederalist would have moved heaven and earth to get Britain into the euro -- and Blair, in 1997, was in a position ot at least attempt it. Also, a eurofederalist would never have gone into Iraq with George W. Bush -- he would have aligned with France and Germany. I think Blair actually represented British "soft" europhilia -- that the EU was a good thing and that we ought to play along and try get the Europeans to accept a more "British" (i.e. less federalist) approach. Such an apporach was, of course, doomed, but the fact he muddled so often over Europe simply does not point to his being a supporter of eurofederalism.

Dwight
August 30th, 2012
10:08 PM
"Nick Clegg ... such a Eurofanatic that he makes Tony Blair look like Daniel Hannan." LOL!

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